More than Tribute: Foreign Relations in Early Modern East Asia

More than Tribute

Foreign Relations in Early Modern East Asia

Background image: two groups of men facing each other with papers in front of them
Image credit:
National Diet Library website (https://dl.ndl.go.jp/pid/13588427/1/63)

Introduction

In 1597, two men met at the Jade River Hostel in Beijing.

Both were diplomats and scholars, well-versed in Confucian literature and political ideas.

The two men spoke different languages, but they communicated through “brush talks.”1 In other words, they spent hours “talking” by writing messages and poems to one another in literary Chinese calligraphy. This was not unusual. Literary Chinese, written in classical Chinese characters, was the common diplomatic language of the region. Scholar-diplomats throughout the region were familiar with a shared body of Classical Chinese literature and shared Confucian philosophies. The Jade River Hostel was a place where diplomats from all over Asia met each other, gathered important information for their respective leaders, and engaged in extremely lucrative trade with both local people and other guests at the Hostel.

What was so special about Beijing? 

Phùng Khắc Khoan was in Beijing on behalf of the recently established Lê government, which ruled over the territory that we now call Vietnam.

Back then it was called either Dai Viet or Annam/Annan, depending who was talking and who the audience was. The Lê government and the Ming government disagreed on the status of both the region and its leader. 

In diplomatic communication both governments called the region Annam (or Annan), but privately they had very different perspectives. Internally and with their less powerful neighbors, the Lê dynasty called their realm Dai Viet - meaning Great Viet. The name suggested that Dai Viet and Da Ming (China) were parallel great powers, each fully independent of the other.

By contrast, the Ming government used the name Annan, which referred to their own history of military and political influence over the area. In their view, the region was not fully independent and its leaders were not kings. On top of that, Lê Duy Đàm had only recently reclaimed leadership after a civil war with the Mac dynasty and China questioned Lê’s claim to leadership.

Phùng Khắc Khoan’s mission in Beijing: to get the Ming government to officially recognize Lê Duy Đàm as “King of Annam."

Yi Sugwang, from Joseon (Korea), was on his second diplomatic mission to China. 

In 1592, right after his first mission, Japan - led by Toyotomi Hideyoshi -  invaded Joseon. After some debate about what to do, Chinese troops helped the Koreans repel the Japanese invaders and then attempted to negotiate a peace settlement with Japan - without much Korean input. The negotiations failed and Japan reinvaded the Korean peninsula. Yi Sugwang’s second visit to Beijing was not specifically related to the war but it happened in the midst of this brutal conflict, which modern Korean historians call the Imjin War.

man leading a giraffe

Tribute Giraffe with Attendant, 16th century via Philadelphia Museum of Art https://www.philamuseum.org/collection/object/181783

A Tributary System?

groups of people arrayed below a seated king

Foreign dignitaries visiting Dai Viet, 16th century via Wikimedia Commons

If you’re learning (or teaching) about imperial China, you have probably heard about something called the tributary system, in which leaders from across Asia sent valuable goods (tribute) to the Chinese emperor. In exchange for this tribute and other symbolic acts affirming the Chinese emperor as the Son of Heaven, the emperor officially recognized the person who sent the gifts as the legitimate leader of a particular place. According to many textbooks, this tributary system was well-established during the Ming Dynasty and continued up until 19th century imperialist European powers introduced the idea of territorial sovereignty, defined by international law.

The phrase “tributary system” suggests that East Asian foreign relations worked according to a simple, top-down system that everyone in the region agreed upon.

The reality was much more complicated.

From the 14th to 17th centuries, the regions that are now Japan, Korea, and Vietnam had extensive interactions with China. Chinese government ministers debated who they should accept tribute from and what China’s relationship to those leaders should be.2 Neighboring leaders negotiated over how frequently they could send tribute missions. In their communications, they often portrayed themselves one way to the Ming government and a different way to their own people.3

But it wasn't all about China all the time. East Asian polities also interacted with each other and with people from Central Asia, from other parts of Southeast Asia, and beyond. These contacts took many forms: diplomacy, trade, and scholarship, but also smuggling, piracy, and war. The contacts happened by land and by sea. The interactions included everyone from monarchs, diplomats, and elite scholars to the thousands of common people working as porters - that is, the people who actually carried the valuable tribute items from one place to another. 

The stories of Phùng Khắc Khoan and Yi Sugwang hint at this complex network of foreign relations.

Relationship Status: It's Complicated

After waiting for more than a month at the Jade River Hostel, Phùng Khắc Khoan presented his government’s tribute goods to the Ming court. He wrote scholarly poems in praise of the Ming emperor, proving that he was cultured and civilized according to Confucian standards. However, the Ming refused to give Lê Duy Đàm the title of king. Instead they called him the “Pacification Commander of the Pacification Commission of Annan.”4 In other words, someone who was less than a king ruling over a region that was less than a true kingdom. It was not the official recognition they wanted.

Despite this, Phùng Khắc Khoan returned home to a job promotion and was remembered as a hero who represented his people with dignity and eloquence. The Lê leadership accepted the title of “Pacification Commander of the Pacification Commission of Annan” in diplomatic interactions with the Ming, but at home they continued to refer to their realm as Dai Viet - not just a kingdom, but an empire like their Chinese neighbor to the north. Speaking to their own people and non-Chinese neighbors, the Lê family claimed to hold a separate, parallel Mandate of Heaven. They even accepted tribute from other leaders in Southeast Asia. Clearly, the Ming view of the world was not the only view.

Phùng Khắc Khoan brought Yi Sugwang’s brush talk poems home with him and shared them widely. We know this because another Korean scholar, Cho Wan Byeok, was captured by Japanese pirates and taken to Vietnam, where locals recited Yi’s poems for him. Once he made his way back to Korea, he wrote about his experiences in Vietnam and his account eventually reached Yi Sugwang.5 Years later, in 1611, Yi made a third trip to China to meet other diplomats and scholars and collect books. When he returned to Joseon he published an encyclopedia featuring information about Japan, Vietnam and other parts of Southeast Asia, Europe, and Catholicism - among other topics. The lives of both these men illustrate the extensive interactions taking place across East Asia in this period.

How Is This Relevant Today?

In the United States today, China dominates news about East Asia. But all of East Asia is important in modern foreign relations. Everything from trade, to addressing climate change, to avoiding nuclear conflict depends on successful international communication and negotiation with all the countries in this region. Effective diplomacy between countries requires a deep understanding of domestic and regional issues, both current and historical. 

The modern countries of East Asia have long histories with one another that extend back before our current international system, to a period when borders and government systems were different than they are now. Along with pivotal events of the 20th century, echoes of these complex historical relationships, diplomatic practices, and ideas still affect foreign policy today. 

Examining these earlier interactions and perspectives can help you better understand the complexity of modern foreign relations. Learning about the past will help you ask more productive questions about the present and imagine more creative diplomatic solutions to current challenges.

Important Concepts for Students

Polity

Any organized political entity, including (but not limited to) a city-state, a kingdom, an empire, or a nation-state. Power within a polity can be organized in many different ways (e.g. a king or emperor, elected officials, a council of leading merchants). A polity does not necessarily have total control over a fixed territory, but it is able to access resources in the form of wealth and/or labor. We use this broad term because other terms (e.g. empire, state, kingdom) have connotations or features that don’t fully fit East Asia during this period.

Mandate of Heaven

Every society with a government has some sort of explanation for why particular people hold power. For example, in the United States, we say that our Constitution embodies the will of “the People” because representatives in each state voted to ratify the Constitution. We also accept that a particular person is President because they are elected (indirectly) by voters. For us, voting is a way of expressing what “the People'' want. Being elected gives people the right to temporarily hold political power.

In China, the Mandate of Heaven explained...

Investiture

Investiture is the process of granting someone an official position. This process has existed in different forms all over the world, from ancient times until today. For example, in the United States both the President and justices of the Supreme Court have investiture ceremonies.

The Latin root of the English word, investiture, is vestisVestis means clothing. This makes sense because many investiture ceremonies include giving a person special clothing - literally putting them into...

Tribute Mission

Along with investiture, tribute missions were another major component of diplomatic relationships between polities in East Asia. China received tribute missions, but so did other governments in the region.


Leaders were invited to send tribute missions on different schedules (e.g. once per year, once every three years, once every 11 years) depending on the closeness between the tribute-sending and tribute-receiving governments. Missions were expensive for the sending government but they also offered economic, political, and cultural
...

Diplomatic Mission or Embassy

An official visit from one government to another was a diplomatic mission or an embassy. This could be paired with a tribute mission, but not all diplomatic missions were tribute missions. Also, diplomatic envoys carried gifts, but not all gifts were necessarily seen as tribute by either the giver or receiver. The meaning of the gifts depended on the relationship between the governments.

Waegu/Wokou/Wako Piracy

Waegu = Korean Wokou = Chinese Wako = Japanese

Piracy is when a ship attacks and (usually) robs another at sea. Piracy has always been especially common along unprotected shipping lanes where many ships are carrying valuable cargo. It also shows up in places where lots of merchants are engaged in smuggling. Smuggling is when merchants try to avoid trade regulations, either by selling illegal products or by trying to avoid import taxes on legal products....

Important Concepts for Teachers

Tributary “Practices” versus Tributary “System”

The phrase “tributary system” originated in the 1940s and was originally intended to describe a set of varied practices, not a simple, hierarchical system. You and your students will find it helpful to remember that Ming China had a toolbox of diverse foreign policy options. These included investiture of specific leaders, engaging in different kinds of diplomatic communication, sending and accepting diplomatic embassies (including tribute missions), strategic marriages, allowing/disallowing entry into Chinese territory, trading/refusing to trade, payments to troublesome foreign...

Power and Agency

Even though Ming China was the largest and most powerful polity in this region, its power was not absolute. The Ming had to constantly negotiate (and sometimes fight) with neighbors to exercise their power in various places and over different people. Meanwhile, at home, the dynasty wanted all interactions with foreigners to show Ming subjects that their Emperor was universally powerful.

The leaders in Joseon, Dai Viet, and Japan were also negotiating both internal and external audiences. They had to interact with foreign powers in ways that...

Sovereignty and Great States

In the current Westphalian world system, each nation-state is supposed to be the ultimate authority within its own clearly-defined territory, and all nation-states are officially equal to one another regardless of size. The Westphalian system began to emerge in Europe during the 17th century and only really came to define the world order after World War II with the end of Europe’s colonial empires.

National sovereignty is the modern ideal and is supported by international law, but in practice more powerful states can...

Cultural Identification and Confucianism

In the United States, we identify a lot with classical Greek and Roman culture and history. You can see this in building styles in Washington, D.C., in classical images on our currency, and in a lot of our discourse about government. Many 18th and early 19th century US political figures used the names of famous Roman authors and politicians as pen names when they published pamphlets and newspaper pieces. Our past and present use of Greek and Roman cultural references signals that we see ourselves as the inheritors of a set of political values and traditions. But we don’t...

Tradition and Innovation

When US politicians want to argue in favor of a policy, they might assert that the policy will preserve American “freedoms.” In fact, two people might support diametrically opposite policies, while both claiming that their policy will do a better job of preserving American “freedoms.” Just as “freedom” is considered a virtue in US discourse, “tradition” was considered a good thing in the Confucian-influenced world of 14th to 17th century East Asia.

People in that time and place did not simply reject all new practices or ideas. Rather, when...

Hua-Yi Distinction

Before the modern era of sovereign nation-states, polities around the world did not have strictly defined borders. So how did empires think about the boundaries of their power and influence? Where was the political and cultural line between “us” and “them”?

In the case of China, there was a longstanding conceptual division of people into two categories: Hua (civilized, Chinese) and Yi (barbarian, foreign). Hua referred to people who were firmly within the Chinese...

Zheng He’s Voyages

Many world history textbooks compare Zheng He’s early 15th century voyages to the slightly later voyages of European explorers. At the time of these early voyages of exploration, Europe was still peripheral to trade in Afroeurasia, not a major player in the commercial world. These early voyages were primarily state-supported commercial ventures.

Textbook descriptions of Zheng He’s voyages sometimes present them as China’s one great movement out into the wider world, followed by a closing and a turning away from all foreign engagement. This...